Mulakan.....



Di Kota Langit ini...Gua perlukan Kekuatan, Kebijaksanaan, Kemanusiaan ,Cinta dan nasik..

Wednesday, December 5, 2012

Bapak Mertua

Bapak mertua gua seorang yang sangat tegas. Masa kali pertama jumpa dia, gua beritahu yg gua serius dgn anak dia.Gua cakap,

" Pakcik, saya betul2 suka kat Ita.Saya x berharta mana.Tapi insya Allah kalau pakcik restu hubungan saya dgn ita, saya akan jaga dia mcm nyawa saya". 

Gua tak tahu dari mana keberanian tu datang. Tapi yang pastinya pada ketika itu gua berjaya membuatkan bapak mertua gua tersenyum.

First time berbual dengan bapak mertua gua, gua bukak cerita pasal silat. Mula-mula gua ingat nak cerita pasal permainan catur.Tapi bila gua perati betul-betul muka dia, gua syak bapak mertua gua spesis yg tak terer main catur. Jadi gua tangguhkan saja lah niat murni gua itu.

Bapak Mertua gua org gomen yang dah mkn pencen. Abg Ipar gua pulak org kanan Isa samad.
Jadi bila balik kampung bini gua, gua lebih banyak berbual pasal sarang burung walit drpd berbual politik.

 Dulu, segala buruk dan baik isteri gua bapak mertua gua lah yg pikul.Tapi selepas gua genggam erat tangan dia pada pukul 10.30am, 2hb June 2012, maka semua beban dan tanggung-jawab yg dipikul telah dipindahkan sepenuhnya kepada gua. Gua telah diberi kepercayaan untuk menjaga kehormatan, membimbing dan mencintai  anak perempuan bongsunya dgn sepenuh hati.

Bapak Mertua...Terima kasih kerana mempercayai saya...

Tuesday, December 4, 2012

Cinta

berdesir ku sangka dia
rupanya lalang ditiup angin

nanar aku gila sasar
rindu dara dibalik tabir

 
antara tangkap dan lepas
sayang berpulang padamu jua

Sunday, December 2, 2012

Sup daging Luruh Sururi ...Sup daging Luruh Sururi....Sup daging Luruh Sururi!

Sup daging Luruh Sururi ...Sup daging Luruh Sururi....Sup daging Luruh Sururi!

Sedap betul bunyinya..Sesedap rasanya. Pandai betul Si Fathi memberikan nama.Sepandai Pyanhabib menelaah isi kandung supnya. 
 
Sup Daging kambing dan lembu yang masih segar,lembut dan mudah luruh daripada tulang tulangnya.Campuran drpd pelbagai jenis ramuan dan rempah ratus rahsia Asia yang sangat membangkitkan selera. Di makan bersama roti benggali atau nasik beras wangi. Peh! Peh! Peh! Anda pasti mahukannya lagi.
 
Gua perati kebanyakkan Peniaga2 Sup yg power dlm scene Peniaga sup, mesti pakai Songkok Haji atau ketayap PAS. Gua syak ia mungkin fesyen yg paling berpengaruh dalam scene ini atau mungkin dengan ketayap mereka akan nampak lebih jujur, ikhlas dan Toyyibah.Dalam scene Brader Beger pula, Bandana dan Cap yg dipakai di kepala Brader Beger akan menjadi indicator Level Rok seseorang Brader Beger itu.

 Gua ingat, bila masuk umur 40 nanti gua nak pergi mengembara mendalami ilmu agama dan mendalami ilmu membuat Sup yang terlazat di Asia Tenggara.

WE ARE ANONYMOUS. WE ARE LEGION. EXPECT US AND RESPECT US

Ayat yang paling power dan paling real bagi gua tahun ini ialah 

video
" CYBER WAR HAS BEEN DECLARED ON ISRAEL CYBERSPACE AND YOU WILL SEE EXACTLY WHAT WE ARE CAPABLE OF.

ISRAEL, THE ANGEL OF DEATH HAS BEEN CALLED TO YOUR CYBERSPACE.

WE ARE ANONYMOUS. WE ARE LEGION. EXPECT US AND RESPECT US "

Robin Hood (2010) dan Yahudi

video 
" King Richard The Lionheart: What is your opinion on my Crusade? Will God be pleased with my sacrifice?
Robin Longstride: No, he won't.
King Richard The Lionheart: Why do you say that?
Robin Longstride: The massacre, sire.
King Richard The Lionheart: Speak up!
Robin Longstride: When you had us heard two and a half thousand innocent men, women, and children together; the woman at my feet, with her hands bound, she looked up at me. It wasn't fear in her eyes, it wasn't anger. It was only pity. She knew that when you gave the order, and our blades would descend upon their heads, in that moment: we would be godless. All of us. Godless. "

~Robin Hood (2010)

Ustaz Azhar Idrus

Ustaz Azhar Idrus ni Real. Dia berani byk cakap pasal perempuan sebab dia byk pengalaman dengan perempuan.

Lu tengok berapa orang bini dia. Itu tak termasuk cerita makwe2 lama dia zaman dia tengah Rok dulu.
Ustaz Kazim Alias tu tak payah lah ckp byk pasal pompuan...Lu tak best!

Falsafah Brader Beger #12

Brader Beger cakap, mcm mana nak lawan Zionist, kalau malam ni masih lagi duk ketawa terbahak-bahak depan TV tengok cerita bodoh 'Bini-Biniku Perkasa'

Yahudi Catur

Dalam permainan catur. Utk mengalahkan lawan, kita harus berfikir sebagaimana lawan kita berfikir.
Kita harus memintas pemikiran lawan 3 step lebih ke depan. Dengan itu barulah kita mampu utk menyusun strategi permainan. 

Pemain catur yg hebat ialah mereka yg mampu melakukan CHECK MATE kpd lawan dengan menggunakan serangan lawan itu sendiri. INI LAH YG DILAKUKAN OLEH ORG YAHUDI.

Yahudi The Matrix

Menurut Filem The Matrix Zionist ialah penduduk2 Zion yang terselamat daripada menjadi Hamba the Machine. Zion menjadi tempat terakhir mereka berlindung daripada ancaman Sentinel dan Agent.Penduduk2 Zion telah diselamatkan oleh seorang Lelaki Terpilih dari dunia Matrix yg di gelar 'The One' . 'The One' telah berjaya membuat satu perjanjian damai di antara manusia dengan machine demi utk menghalang Agent Smith (self-replicating computer virus) daripada memusnahkan dunia. 

Imam Mahdi lah konon

YAHUDI PUNYA KEPALA OTAK.

Falsafah Brader Beger #11

Brader Beger cakap, kadang-kadang cinta itu seperti Skateboard yg dibeli di pasaraya Giant.
Sekali Lu Backflip, ia terus patah.Lu jump Rock n Roll, ia terus punah.

Kenangan Zaman Pita Kaset



Kaset pertama yg gua beli pakai duit sendiri ialah kaset Kumpulan Rok Scorpion, album Pure Instinct (1996) . Banyak lagu2 Sedih dalam tu..

Kaset kedua gua beli pakai duit sendiri ialah Nirvana: MTV Unplugged in New York (1994) . Banyak jugak lagu sedih dalam album ni. Kemudian diikuti dengan kaset kumpulan Subculture-album Love N' Hate (1994), The Pilgrims album Perfume Garden (1992) , dan Red Hot Chili Peppers album One Hot Minute(1994).Kaset terakhir yg gua beli , Kid Rock album Devil without a cause (1998).
Lepas tu era kaset pun berakhir.

Kaset Mainstream Melayu pertama yang gua beli pakai duit sendiri ialah Kaset Dayang Nurfaizah .
Soul Sial.Soul Gila...Gua selalu berangan nak jumpa Dayang Nurfaizah dlm mimpi.
 

Sunday, November 11, 2012

Gengster Yang Terpaling Kejam

Tiba-tiba gua teringat balik kisah-kisah pergaduhan dan keriangan di zaman remaja.

Tahun 1996 Gua ditawarkan masuk ke Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Agama Sultan Muhammad. Sebuah sekolah berasrama no.3 terbaik di Negeri Melaka. Banyak juga kenangan2 yg jika gua ingat balik akan  buat gua menyeringai sorang-sorang.

Masa  gua tinggal di asrama dulu, memang jarang nak dapat makan ayam kentaki. Ada juga budak-budak dorm gua yg bila parents diorang datang melawat ditapaukan satu bucket ayam Kentaki.Ada yang jenis pemurah. Suka kongsi makanan.Ada yang jenis kedekut mcm iblis. Sanggup sorokkan ayam kentaki dalam locker. Biasanya spesis yg suka sorok-sorokkan makanan ni memang kena pukul lah dgn gua. Satu kesalahan besar kalau tak share ayam kentaki dengan gua.
  
Gua pernah mengamuk sampai gua cabutkan pintu locker kat dalam dorm dan gua hempaskan pintu tu kat kepala seorang Senior Form 4. Apa jadi lepas tu? Senior tu repeat.Dia bawak geng. Hasilnya, gua kena rembat dgn geng senior tu ramai-ramai.Memang sakit, tapi puas hati.Sebenarnya hanya orang yang pernah bertumbuk je yang akan tahu bahawa menumbuk muka seorang lelaki dan ditumbuk oleh seorang lelaki itu adalah satu kenikmatan yg sukar digambarkan.

Semua keganasan dan kekejaman ini adalah pengaruh daripada rancangan WWF yang pernah ditayangkan di TV1.Dulu rancangan ni ditaja oleh rokok White Horse. Dah jarang dapat jumpa rokok ni.Selain drpd WWF , Filem Bujang Selamat dan Filem Drunken Master juga memainkan peranan di dalam mempengaruhi perkembangan keganasan, kekejaman dan keberanian gua.

Lu tak payah cakap Lu Gengster Sekolah Sultan Muhammad kalau Lu punya seluar sekolah tak pernah dikerat dan digunting dengan cikgu Husin Namin, lepas tu kena denda pakai kain pelekat  dalam kelas, kasut kesayangan dibakar di tengah padang perhimpunan,Kerandut testis kena cubit dgn cikgu Hussien Namin, kena lempang bertalu-talu dgn Ustaz Ibrahim...
Ini semua adalah liku-liku yg harus dilalui utk menjadi seorang gengster yg berjaya di Sultan Muhammad.

Selain daripada berani pukul orang dan tak takut kena pukul, rahsia untuk menjadi Gengster yg digeruni di asrama ialah mesti pandai gunting rambut. Sebab masa menggunting rambut itu lah waktu yg paling sesuai utk berpolitik dan melebarkan pengaruh serta kuasa mendominasi di dalam asrama.

Kat Sultan dulu, ada satu urban Legend pasai 'The Green Lady '. Depa ckp The Green Lady ni akan menghantui pelajar2 yg paling nakal di sekolah. Depa cakap jugak The Green Lady ni suka menjelma menyerupai muka Kak Midah yg bekerja sbg Library Assistant. Pernah sekali tu gua kena tengking dgn kak Midah sebab Gua tanya dia
" Ni Kak Midah ke The Green Lady ? "


Lepas balik sekolah, gua suka melepak dgn budak2 High School di Plaza Hang Tuah Melaka. Masa tu masing2 bukan main Grunge katak lagi. Gua, Si Syed Daniel, Arwah Abin dan Arwah Abizar cukup suka menyakat sorang makwe cun  Sekolah Infant Jesus Convent yg bernama Ayu dalam Town Bus.Cun makwe ni. Rupa dia macam Sofea jane masa muda. Hmmm..Dah berapa orang agaknya anak Si Ayu tu sekarang.

Zaman sekolah dulu puas gua cari makwe yang minat baca komik dari Hong Kong.Tapi susah sgt nak jumpa.Ramai makwe suka baca komik Doraemon ,Dragon Ball, Ninja Boy dan Anak-anak Sidek.
Kecewa juga gua. Kalaulah jumpa dulu mesti seronok berbual kat telefon kongsi cerita pasal Ji Fat,Sang Merah, Ifrit Utama dan lain2.

Masa gua baru nak tumbuh misai, Gua ada kenal seorang makwe. Nama makwe tu Nadia.
Muka ada iras-iras Marlia Musa bini Sifu M.Nasir tu.
Dia pernah ucapkan satu ayat legendary kat gua yang mana sampai hari ni gua ingat.
"Ai sanggup tak ikut parents Ai pergi London sebab yu tau " 

( Dalam hati gua -Nak termuntah .Uweekkk )

Tahun 1998 Gua pindah SMK Dang Anum di Merlimau. Lepas Gua pindah ke sekolah ni, perangai gua 100% berubah. Daripada Remaja yg rebel dan rage gila babai bertukar menjadi Mat Bunga yg minat dengan Backstreet Boy, Boyzone dan konsisten membeli majalah Galaxy setiap keluaran. 
Ini semua Dang Anum punya penangan.Makwe cun punyalah ramai kat Dang Anum ni.

Dang Anum membuatkan gua lupa dengan aktiviti-aktiviti sampingan seorang gengster sekolah seperti memeras ugut rakan sekolah, memukul pondan di sekolah dan lain-lain. Sejak masuk Dang Anum gua mula berkecimpung dgn aktiviti2 yg lebih sihat seperti bermain papan selaju, belajar main gitar dan mula berjinak-jinak di dalam bidang menulis surat kepada makwe.Ini semua nak impress makwe punya pasal.Jauh di lubuk hati ,gua tahu gua mmg dilahirkan utk menjadi gengster yg disegani.

Falsafah #10

Brader Beger cakap, kadang-kadang dalam hidup ini bukan semua benda yg berlaku depan kita boleh dinilai dengan logic akal.

Lukisan

Dulu masa gua kecik-kecik gua pandai melukis.Lukisan gua yg bertajuk Malaysia Tahun 2000' pernah menang no.1 pertandingan melukis Kelab kanak-kanak angkasapuri RTM Melaka. Gua dapat hadiah Pensel Kaler LUNA yg ada 50 batang tu,sijil penyertaan dan wang tunai.Syg sekali lukisan tu tak disimpan.

Tapi, sejak matapelajaran lukisan ada di dalam jadual waktu persekolahan, gua terus jadi tak minat melukis.Pelik. Mungkin Sebab gua ni spesis yg benci buat sesuatu ikut jadual.Gua lebih suka menconteng muka artis dlm majalah dan surat khabar. Setiap gambar artis akan ada misai, janggut ,cermin mata, dan gigi rongak.

Lagu Cinta

Brader Beger cakap, Kadang-kadang ada lagu cinta yg bila kita dengar buat kita rasa sayu mcm cilake. Sebenarnya bukan lagu tu yg buat kita sayu tetapi kenangan bersama ORANG disebalik lagu tu yg buat kita rasa mcm tu.

Monday, October 29, 2012

KL Menjerit

 Tiba-tiba Gua teringat dengan Filem KL Menjerit yang diarahkan oleh Bade pada tahun 2001. Masa Filem tu keluar, gua baru menjinakkan diri dgn Kutu-kutu, Mat-Mat motor dan Mat-Mat ranggi di KL. Umur baru menginjak ke angka Satu Lapan. Angka yg pada sangka gua sudah cukup dewasa utk menilai kehidupan.Percaya atau tidak, gua pergi menonton Filem KL menjerit sorang2 di TGV KLCC. Pada mulanya of course
first choice gua pada hari tu nak layan Holywood Movie tapi sebab malas nak tunggu lama-lama so gua decide utk tengok tayangan yang paling cepat. So Gua pilih KL Menjerit.

Filem KL Menjerit rupa-rupanya sangat tidak mengecewakan gua. Ternyata pengarahnya Bade sangat bijak mengolah elemen kehidupan seorang anak muda kampung yang datang ke Kota Besar KL dengan sebuah impian utk merubah kehidupan dan membina masa depan. Dalam menghaungi liku-liku dan cabaran Kota Besar KL, Anak muda ini terjebak dengan budaya liar anak-anak muda Kota yang mencari erti kebebasan maksima dan mereka mengeksperimentalkan kebebasan itu ke jalan raya. Tapi jauh di dalam diri anak muda ini sedar bahawa kehidupan yang sebenar tidaklah harus begitu jalannya. Ia lebih besar daripada itu.Lantas, kehadiran seorang gadis yang benama Ayu telah membuka lembaran baru di dalam hidupnya.

Filem KL Menjerit sememangnya sebuah Karya Bade yang baik . Pada ketika itu Bade telah membuatkan seorang anak muda perantauan yg berusia 18 tahun berfikir KEHIDUPAN SEBENARNYA ADALAH TENTANG MEMBUAT KEPUTUSAN.Secara tak sedar KL Menjerit telah memberikan gua jawapan yang gua cari-cari .. Mungkin, kalau gua tak tengok cerita tu ...Mesti gua takkan terfikir utk balik kampung ambil result STPM dan apply UPU.Sebab bila gua dah start merantau ke KL gua tak pernah fikir yang masuk Universiti tu best. Kehidupan di KL ni yang lebih real.Gua hepi jadi Kutu. Hepi menikmati hidup. Pada gua Universiti hanyalah satu tempat berkumpulnya monyet-monyet bangang yg suka tunjuk pandai. Tapi bila kita tanya siapa Alvin Toffler, semua menganga..Bila kita tanya apa kesan Revolusi Perancis semua kata 'Entah'. ...Ahhh, HIDUP INI INDAH.

Wednesday, August 8, 2012

Falsafah Brader Beger : Makwe Gemuk

Brader Beger cakap, cantik itu sesuatu yg abstrak .Betul, Gua setuju.Sebab ramai juga org kata Perempuan Gemuk itu cantik.Pada gua lah kan perempuan kalau Gemuk sikit-sikit mcm Kate Winslet tu baru cantik. Tapi kalau gemuk gedempol menternak lemak memang langsung tak cantik...Tak kisahlah apa pun Lu nak cakap.Masing-masing punya definisi cantik. Tapi,bila ada sorang perempuan Gemuk Gedempol yang x tak cantik pakai legging dan sleeveless di pasar Ramadan ditegur secara elok ttg gaya pemakaiannya dan dia jwb mcm ni
 
"Kubur masing-masing okay "

Mood Lu mesti akan jadi tak cantik dan Lu akan ckp dlm hati....

"kalau Lu lelaki dah lama Gua Tendang perut Lu"

Falsafah Brader Beger : Malam Raya

Brader Beger Cakap , tak kiralah orang Orang UMNO yg pakai songkok tinggi ataupun Orang PAS yang pakai ketayap putih ,ataupun Budak2 Keadilan yg suka pakai Hat dan Snowcap..Apabila tiba waktu malam raya depa ramai-ramai pakat buat dosa...BAKAR MERCUN MCM ORG GILA! Umpama menyambut kedatangan Raja Syaitan Lilith turun dari Neraka. BAKAR MERCUN SAMPAI BUDAK2 KECIL YG TENGAH TIDUR DI DALAM BUAIAN TERKUJAT-KUJAT dibuatnya.  Bermain dan membakar mercun Gua tak tahu samada berdosa atau tidak...
Tapi menyakitkan hati orang dengan membuat bising di malam Raya dengan dentuman dentuman mercun yang menggila ..
Gua confirm berdosa...

Monday, August 6, 2012

PANTUN HARI RAYA : VERSI STAR WARS


Hans Solo menyusun kata
cuba memikat Princess Leia
maaf-bermaafan sesama kita
di Aidilfitri yang mulia


Lightsaber jatuh ditengah bendang
jadi dagangan di tengah Kota
saudara jauh datang bertandang
bermaaf-maafan sesama kita


Sungguh rendang pohon Rumbia
tempat persinggahan Luke Skywalker
ketupat rendang sudah tersedia
jemputlah Darth Vader menjamu selera


Planet Naboo aman sentosa
jangan dilupa planet Tatooinenya
Salam ibu menghapus dosa
salam bapa menjunjung kasihnya


Jabba the Hut segak bergaya
sentiasa mencari si anak dara
suasana riang di hari raya
bermaaf-maafan riang gembira


X-Wing terhempas di Mon Kalamari
membunuh Darth Marek dan Tuan Tungo Li
datuk nenek muka berseri
anak cucu telah kembali


Gua Dagobah pintunya lebar
Tempat Yoda duduk bertapa
Emak dan abah tak sabar-sabar
menunggu anakanda yang lama tak berjumpa


Bermain pedang perlbagai gaya
pedang laser Darth Maul yang punya
ramai bertandang di hari raya
tersenyum riang sanak saudara

Falsafah Brader Beger : Akidah 2

Brader Beger cakap Kalau Allah memberikan Lu rezeki setakat cukup untuk makan nasik dan isi petrol Ron95 RM50 Seminggu, 
itu tandanya  Allah masih sgt menyayangi Lu...
Kalau tiba-tiba Allah memberikan Lu rezeki yang membolehkan Lu makan Almas Beluga Caviar hari-hari dan isi Petrol Ron97 RM100 setiap pagi...Maka BERSYUKUR dan BERSEDIALAH...
Dia Sedang ingin menguji keimanan Lu.

Falsafah Brader Beger : Cinta 1

Brader Beger cakap, apabila Lu asyik di alam cinta,
Lu mampu melukis potret seorang dara,
dengan hanya memejamkan mata..

Falsafah Brader Beger : Makwe 5

Brader Beger cakap, KL ni besar kotak mancis je.
Kemana saje Lu pergi, lu akan ternampak makwe2 lama.

Falsafah Brader Beger : Hidup 1

Brader Beger cakap, org dewasa akan jadi semakin membosankan bila cuba berlagak utk jadi lebih dewasa. Biar kita hidup happy mcm budak2 daripada hidup membosankan mcm org dewasa yg dah terlupa mcm mana nak menghayati perasaan gembira mcm budak-budak.

Falsafah Brader Beger : Akidah 1

Brader Beger cakap, Beger Bakar ni pun agenda Illuminati jugak ka?
~ Apa punya Turrr . Salahkan Illuminati.Salahkan Freemason. Salahkan NWO . Salahkan Zionis. Salahkan Hitler . Diri Sendiri ?

Falsafah Brader Beger : Akidah

Brader Beger cakap, Kalau salah kiblat Solat, kita kena betulkan kedudukan sejadah.Kalau salah kiblat hidup, kita kena betulkan kembali Syahadah.

Falsafah Brader Beger : Makwe 3

Brader Beger cakap, kalau Lu jumpa Makwe yang hari-hari sanggup kejutkan Lu bangun Solat Subuh ...Jgn tunggu lama-lama Boh. Jumpa Abah dia minta izin jadi anak menantu dengan bersungguh-sungguh. Insya Allah cinta itu akan teguh.

Wednesday, July 4, 2012

Cerita Gua Jumpa UFO

Gua ada satu cerita X-Files. Semasa Gua di darjah dua, setiap hari selepas waktu Maghrib gua akan pergi mengaji Al-Quran di surau. Satu malam semasa balik dari mengaji, gua telah terserempak dgn UFO. UFO itu bersaiz kecil dan  berbentuk seperti bola api . Ia ligat berpusing-pusing di atas pokok Binjai di hadapan rumah gua. Gua jadi cuak lantas memanggil kawan mengaji Gua yg bernama Walid untuk bersama-sama menyaksikan fenomena luarbiasa itu. Namun dengan tidak semena-mena UFO itu meletop dan berkecai apabila gua menunjukkannya pada Si Walid.

Tanpa membuang masa gua berlari ke bawah pokok binjai itu untuk melihat apakah sebenarnya yang telah berlaku. Tetapi hairannya tiada satu apa pun bekas ataupun kesan-kesan benda meletop ataupun terbakar. Gua syak UFO itu mungkin telah di hantar oleh Alien utk menculik kanak2 pintar seperti gua. Mungkin UFO itu telah mengaktifkan mod halimunannya dan sedang diam-diam menghendap kami. Gua dan Walid ketakutan dan terus berlari pulang ke rumah.Malam itu gua tak dapat tidur. UFO yang meletop itu berpusing-pusing ligat di dalam kepala Gua.

Esoknya gua bergegas pergi ke rumah atuk dan menceritakan segala yang telah berlaku pada malam semalam. Air muka atuk berubah menjadi serius. Atuk bertanya "Benarkah gua betul-betul nampak UFO itu berpusing-pusing di atas pokok binjai di hadapan rumah ?. Gua meyakinkan atuk dengan mengatakan bahawa Si Walid juga menyaksikannya. Melihat Atuk menjadi begitu serius, gua semakin yakin dengan teori gua bahawa memang Alien telah menghantar UFO itu untuk menculik kanak2 pintar seperti gua. 

Lalu atuk pun menjelaskan apa sebenarnya yang telah berlaku. Kata atuk itu memang UFO. Tapi bukan UFO yang dihantar oleh Alien.Tetapi UFO itu dihantar oleh manusia yang berhati busuk. Kata Atuk lagi UFO yang gua nampak itu sebenarnya ilah 'TUJU-TUJU' . 'Tuju-tuju' ialah bebola api yang di hantar oleh orang yang berniat jahat untuk menghantar sihir pada orang yang tidak disukainya ataupun yang ingin dikhianatinya. Kata Atuk lagi, 'Tuju-tuju' itu akan pecah dan tidak akan berjaya sampai kepada orang yg hendak disihirnya sekiranya ada orang lain yang ternampak tuju-tuju itu dan menunjukkannya dengan jari telunjuk. Itu lah sebabnya UFO yang gua nampak itu meletop secara tiba-tiba apabila gua tunjukkannya pada Si Walid.

Patut lah atuk menjadi begitu serius. Rupa-rupanya atuk menjangkakan mungkin ada orang yg berhati busuk mahu membuat khianat pada keluarga kami. Atas kejadian itu, atuk telah memberikan gua sepotong ayat al-quran untuk di amalkan  "Lailaha illah anta, Subha nakainni, kuntuminozzolimin' kata atuk doa ini dibaca untuk memohon agar Allah sentiasa menjaga diri kita daripada kezaliman makluk yg bernama manusia dan juga kejahatan syaitan.

Sebenarnya, banyak cerita-cerita x-files yang ada di kampung gua. Kalau gua cerita lebih-lebih, Gua yakin lu orang mesti takkan percaya dan akan cakap gua ni ilusi lebih. InsyaAllah kalau gua senang, len kali gua akan kongsikan kisah gua terjumpa dengan Kapal Lanun Black Pearl sewaktu gua masuk ke dalam hutan Bakau Anjung Batu mencari Kepah dan buah api-api.

Sunday, July 1, 2012

The Orion Condominium

Pada suatu hari Ali singgah makan di Kg.Baru. Tiba-tiba datang seorang Lelaki Budiman menegurnya.
"Assalamulaikum saudara, maaflah  kalau saya mengganggu. Jika saya ingin menghadiahkan kediaman saya kepada saudara mahukah saudara menerimanya ?  


Dalam keadaan yang terpinga-pinga Ali menjawab,

" Eh, Siapa Tuan ini ? Kenapa secara tiba-tiba Tuan mahu menghadiahkannya kepda saya ? Dan kenapa pula saya? 

" Oh, jangan terkejut. Nama saya Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed. Sebenarnya setiap tahun pada tarikh hari jadi saya, saya akan keluar berjalan mencari seseorang yang bertuah untuk diberikan hadiah.Sememangnya, dari tadi  saya sudah perhatikan saudara dan membuat pernilaian. Apa yg saya nampak, selain daripada Hensem dan nampak power, aura keikhlasan juga jelas terpancar dari wajah saudara. Dengan itu saya terus membuat keputusan bahawa saudara lah orang yang paling layak untuk menerima hadiah saya pada tahun ini.

" Erkkk, saya masih tak faham. Kenapa dalam berjuta-juta manusia kat Malaysia ni saya yang tuan pilih untuk menerimanya ?

"Hmm..Awak anggap sahaja awak sememangnya seorang yang sangat bertuah.  
Anyway, kediaman yang ingin saya hadiahkan kepada saudara ini terletak di Jalan Tun Razak, 'The Orion Condominium'. 
Bagaimana, mahu tak saudara menerimanya ?

"Apa ? The Orion!
Condominium itu berharga hampir RM 1 juta Tuan! 
Confused juga saya ni. Tidak pernah saya berjumpa dengan manusia yang murah hati macam Tuan ini. 
Tapi kalau Tuan nak bagi free, memang pucuk dicita ulam mendatang."

"Kalau begitu , baiklah..ini kunci rumahnya dan ini pula contact card saya. 

Nanti tolong SMS kan nama penuh dan email address kepada saya.
 Any further details, Peguam saya akan telefon saudara nanti"

"Oh, baiklah Tuan Sheikh.Terima kasih banyak-banyak ye. Nanti kalau ada rumah lain nak bagi free, atau kereta Ferari lebih ke, Tuan jgn lupa cari saya lagi ye "  


"Baiklah. Hahaha!"


Selepas Lelaki Budiman itu beredar, Ali pun pulang ke rumah dgn hati yg sangat gembira.



" ABI !!!! BANGUN LAH, DAH PUKUL 6.15 AM  NI. NANTI LAMBAT KITA SAMPAI OFFICE "

Wednesday, June 27, 2012

Remuk

Petang itu hatiku diremuk lagi
tatkala melihat rakyat marhaen dipijak dibelati
bom asap ditembak ke sana-sini
Dataran rakyat dirampas Sang Tirani.

Tuesday, June 26, 2012

Falsafah Brader Beger 4

Brader Beger cakap jugak " Gadis yang paling power adalah Gadis yang dapat elak tumbukan bertubi-tubi Bekas Pakwe dia kemudian panggil Pakwe baru belasah Bekas Pakwe dia tu sampai lembik "

Falsafah Brader Beger 3

Brader Beger cakap " Lelaki yang power adalah Lelaki yang berani tumbuk muka Makwe dia sebanyak lapan kali apabila dia dapat tahu yang Makwe dia ada scandal dengan Lelaki lain "

Monday, June 25, 2012

Sekolah Rendah 2

Aksi paling macho Gua masa sekolah rendah ialah pergi ke Bandar Melaka naik Bas Tuah untuk main Game 'Mortal Kombat' di Pasaraya Fajar dengan MrFarido FredOf LimpBizkit . 

Kalau tak silap Gua, Satu jam tokey kedai game charge RM1.50...

Sekolah Rendah 1

Antara satu perkara yang Gua paling tak suka masa zaman sekolah rendah dulu ialah , Geng2 Budak pompuan kepoh yang suka duk 'meng-Love-love kan orang ' -Contohnya 'Tulis kat papan hitam besar-besar- BOTAK LOVE PIJAH.

Ramai juga budak pompuan yg kena tumbuk dgn Gua pasal ni.

Sunday, June 24, 2012

Falsafah Brader Beger 2

Kata Brader Beger "Cinta sejati tak memerlukan wajah secantik bidadari,cukup dengan senyuman penyejuk hati "

Tuesday, June 19, 2012

Seloka Pendidikan

Dasar pelajaran kita banyak yang celaru
Bahasa Inggeris pun Depa suruh ajar dalam Bahasa Melayu
Banyak sekolah luar bandar yang kurang Cikgi dan Cikgu
Tetapi peliknya,ramai lagi graduan-graduan kursus pendidikan yg menganggur tongkat dagu

Mata pelajaran Sejarah utamakanlah semula
supaya semua kaum tahu usul asal mereka,
Buku teks Sejarah harus dikaji dan disemak juga
Takkanlah perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan hanya kerja org UMNO sahaja.

Monday, June 18, 2012

Falsafah Brader Beger

Cinta itu semerah Sos Cili , kadang2 boleh juga jadi segelap sos black paper. Bila dua-dua dibubuh di atas daging beger, baru sodap rasanya :)


Sunday, June 17, 2012

The History of the Peloponnesian War By Thucydides

Chapter I

The State of Greece from the earliest Times to the Commencement of the Peloponnesian War

Thucydides, an Athenian, wrote the history of the war between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians, beginning at the moment that it broke out, and believing that it would be a great war and more worthy of relation than any that had preceded it. This belief was not without its grounds. The preparations of both the combatants were in every department in the last state of perfection; and he could see the rest of the Hellenic race taking sides in the quarrel; those who delayed doing so at once having it in contemplation. Indeed this was the greatest movement yet known in history, not only of the Hellenes, but of a large part of the barbarian world- I had almost said of mankind. For though the events of remote antiquity, and even those that more immediately preceded the war, could not from lapse of time be clearly ascertained, yet the evidences which an inquiry carried as far back as was practicable leads me to trust, all point to the conclusion that there was nothing on a great scale, either in war or in other matters.

For instance, it is evident that the country now called Hellas had in ancient times no settled population; on the contrary, migrations were of frequent occurrence, the several tribes readily abandoning their homes under the pressure of superior numbers. Without commerce, without freedom of communication either by land or sea, cultivating no more of their territory than the exigencies of life required, destitute of capital, never planting their land (for they could not tell when an invader might not come and take it all away, and when he did come they had no walls to stop him), thinking that the necessities of daily sustenance could be supplied at one place as well as another, they cared little for shifting their habitation, and consequently neither built large cities nor attained to any other form of greatness. The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called Thessaly, Boeotia, most of the Peloponnese, Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas. The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement of particular individuals, and thus created faction which proved a fertile source of ruin. It also invited invasion. Accordingly Attica, from the poverty of its soil enjoying from a very remote period freedom from faction, never changed its inhabitants. And here is no inconsiderable exemplification of my assertion that the migrations were the cause of there being no correspondent growth in other parts. The most powerful victims of war or faction from the rest of Hellas took refuge with the Athenians as a safe retreat; and at an early period, becoming naturalized, swelled the already large population of the city to such a height that Attica became at last too small to hold them, and they had to send out colonies to Ionia.

There is also another circumstance that contributes not a little to my conviction of the weakness of ancient times. Before the Trojan war there is no indication of any common action in Hellas, nor indeed of the universal prevalence of the name; on the contrary, before the time of Hellen, son of Deucalion, no such appellation existed, but the country went by the names of the different tribes, in particular of the Pelasgian. It was not till Hellen and his sons grew strong in Phthiotis, and were invited as allies into the other cities, that one by one they gradually acquired from the connection the name of Hellenes; though a long time elapsed before that name could fasten itself upon all. The best proof of this is furnished by Homer. Born long after the Trojan War, he nowhere calls all of them by that name, nor indeed any of them except the followers of Achilles from Phthiotis, who were the original Hellenes: in his poems they are called Danaans, Argives, and Achaeans. He does not even use the term barbarian, probably because the Hellenes had not yet been marked off from the rest of the world by one distinctive appellation. It appears therefore that the several Hellenic communities, comprising not only those who first acquired the name, city by city, as they came to understand each other, but also those who assumed it afterwards as the name of the whole people, were before the Trojan war prevented by their want of strength and the absence of mutual intercourse from displaying any collective action.

Indeed, they could not unite for this expedition till they had gained increased familiarity with the sea. And the first person known to us by tradition as having established a navy is Minos. He made himself master of what is now called the Hellenic sea, and ruled over the Cyclades, into most of which he sent the first colonies, expelling the Carians and appointing his own sons governors; and thus did his best to put down piracy in those waters, a necessary step to secure the revenues for his own use.

For in early times the Hellenes and the barbarians of the coast and islands, as communication by sea became more common, were tempted to turn pirates, under the conduct of their most powerful men; the motives being to serve their own cupidity and to support the needy. They would fall upon a town unprotected by walls, and consisting of a mere collection of villages, and would plunder it; indeed, this came to be the main source of their livelihood, no disgrace being yet attached to such an achievement, but even some glory. An illustration of this is furnished by the honour with which some of the inhabitants of the continent still regard a successful marauder, and by the question we find the old poets everywhere representing the people as asking of voyagers- "Are they pirates?"- as if those who are asked the question would have no idea of disclaiming the imputation, or their interrogators of reproaching them for it. The same rapine prevailed also by land.

And even at the present day many of Hellas still follow the old fashion, the Ozolian Locrians for instance, the Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and that region of the continent; and the custom of carrying arms is still kept up among these continentals, from the old piratical habits. The whole of Hellas used once to carry arms, their habitations being unprotected and their communication with each other unsafe; indeed, to wear arms was as much a part of everyday life with them as with the barbarians. And the fact that the people in these parts of Hellas are still living in the old way points to a time when the same mode of life was once equally common to all. The Athenians were the first to lay aside their weapons, and to adopt an easier and more luxurious mode of life; indeed, it is only lately that their rich old men left off the luxury of wearing undergarments of linen, and fastening a knot of their hair with a tie of golden grasshoppers, a fashion which spread to their Ionian kindred and long prevailed among the old men there. On the contrary, a modest style of dressing, more in conformity with modern ideas, was first adopted by the Lacedaemonians, the rich doing their best to assimilate their way of life to that of the common people. They also set the example of contending naked, publicly stripping and anointing themselves with oil in their gymnastic exercises. Formerly, even in the Olympic contests, the athletes who contended wore belts across their middles; and it is but a few years since that the practice ceased. To this day among some of the barbarians, especially in Asia, when prizes for boxing and wrestling are offered, belts are worn by the combatants. And there are many other points in which a likeness might be shown between the life of the Hellenic world of old and the barbarian of to-day.

With respect to their towns, later on, at an era of increased facilities of navigation and a greater supply of capital, we find the shores becoming the site of walled towns, and the isthmuses being occupied for the purposes of commerce and defence against a neighbour. But the old towns, on account of the great prevalence of piracy, were built away from the sea, whether on the islands or the continent, and still remain in their old sites. For the pirates used to plunder one another, and indeed all coast populations, whether seafaring or not.

The islanders, too, were great pirates. These islanders were Carians and Phoenicians, by whom most of the islands were colonized, as was proved by the following fact. During the purification of Delos by Athens in this war all the graves in the island were taken up, and it was found that above half their inmates were Carians: they were identified by the fashion of the arms buried with them, and by the method of interment, which was the same as the Carians still follow. But as soon as Minos had formed his navy, communication by sea became easier, as he colonized most of the islands, and thus expelled the malefactors. The coast population now began to apply themselves more closely to the acquisition of wealth, and their life became more settled; some even began to build themselves walls on the strength of their newly acquired riches. For the love of gain would reconcile the weaker to the dominion of the stronger, and the possession of capital enabled the more powerful to reduce the smaller towns to subjection. And it was at a somewhat later stage of this development that they went on the expedition against Troy.

What enabled Agamemnon to raise the armament was more, in my opinion, his superiority in strength, than the oaths of Tyndareus, which bound the suitors to follow him. Indeed, the account given by those Peloponnesians who have been the recipients of the most credible tradition is this. First of all Pelops, arriving among a needy population from Asia with vast wealth, acquired such power that, stranger though he was, the country was called after him; and this power fortune saw fit materially to increase in the hands of his descendants. Eurystheus had been killed in Attica by the Heraclids. Atreus was his mother's brother; and to the hands of his relation, who had left his father on account of the death of Chrysippus, Eurystheus, when he set out on his expedition, had committed Mycenae and the government. As time went on and Eurystheus did not return, Atreus complied with the wishes of the Mycenaeans, who were influenced by fear of the Heraclids- besides, his power seemed considerable, and he had not neglected to court the favour of the populace- and assumed the sceptre of Mycenae and the rest of the dominions of Eurystheus. And so the power of the descendants of Pelops came to be greater than that of the descendants of Perseus. To all this Agamemnon succeeded. He had also a navy far stronger than his contemporaries, so that, in my opinion, fear was quite as strong an element as love in the formation of the confederate expedition. The strength of his navy is shown by the fact that his own was the largest contingent, and that of the Arcadians was furnished by him; this at least is what Homer says, if his testimony is deemed sufficient. Besides, in his account of the transmission of the sceptre, he calls him "Of many an isle, and of all Argos king." Now Agamemnon's was a continental power; and he could not have been master of any except the adjacent islands (and these would not be many), but through the possession of a fleet.

And from this expedition we may infer the character of earlier enterprises. Now Mycenae may have been a small place, and many of the towns of that age may appear comparatively insignificant, but no exact observer would therefore feel justified in rejecting the estimate given by the poets and by tradition of the magnitude of the armament. For I suppose if Lacedaemon were to become desolate, and the temples and the foundations of the public buildings were left, that as time went on there would be a strong disposition with posterity to refuse to accept her fame as a true exponent of her power. And yet they occupy two-fifths of Peloponnese and lead the whole, not to speak of their numerous allies without. Still, as the city is neither built in a compact form nor adorned with magnificent temples and public edifices, but composed of villages after the old fashion of Hellas, there would be an impression of inadequacy. Whereas, if Athens were to suffer the same misfortune, I suppose that any inference from the appearance presented to the eye would make her power to have been twice as great as it is. We have therefore no right to be sceptical, nor to content ourselves with an inspection of a town to the exclusion of a consideration of its power; but we may safely conclude that the armament in question surpassed all before it, as it fell short of modern efforts; if we can here also accept the testimony of Homer's poems, in which, without allowing for the exaggeration which a poet would feel himself licensed to employ, we can see that it was far from equalling ours. He has represented it as consisting of twelve hundred vessels; the Boeotian complement of each ship being a hundred and twenty men, that of the ships of Philoctetes fifty. By this, I conceive, he meant to convey the maximum and the minimum complement: at any rate, he does not specify the amount of any others in his catalogue of the ships. That they were all rowers as well as warriors we see from his account of the ships of Philoctetes, in which all the men at the oar are bowmen. Now it is improbable that many supernumeraries sailed, if we except the kings and high officers; especially as they had to cross the open sea with munitions of war, in ships, moreover, that had no decks, but were equipped in the old piratical fashion. So that if we strike the average of the largest and smallest ships, the number of those who sailed will appear inconsiderable, representing, as they did, the whole force of Hellas. And this was due not so much to scarcity of men as of money. Difficulty of subsistence made the invaders reduce the numbers of the army to a point at which it might live on the country during the prosecution of the war. Even after the victory they obtained on their arrival- and a victory there must have been, or the fortifications of the naval camp could never have been built- there is no indication of their whole force having been employed; on the contrary, they seem to have turned to cultivation of the Chersonese and to piracy from want of supplies. This was what really enabled the Trojans to keep the field for ten years against them; the dispersion of the enemy making them always a match for the detachment left behind. If they had brought plenty of supplies with them, and had persevered in the war without scattering for piracy and agriculture, they would have easily defeated the Trojans in the field, since they could hold their own against them with the division on service. In short, if they had stuck to the siege, the capture of Troy would have cost them less time and less trouble. But as want of money proved the weakness of earlier expeditions, so from the same cause even the one in question, more famous than its predecessors, may be pronounced on the evidence of what it effected to have been inferior to its renown and to the current opinion about it formed under the tuition of the poets.

Even after the Trojan War, Hellas was still engaged in removing and settling, and thus could not attain to the quiet which must precede growth. The late return of the Hellenes from Ilium caused many revolutions, and factions ensued almost everywhere; and it was the citizens thus driven into exile who founded the cities. Sixty years after the capture of Ilium, the modern Boeotians were driven out of Arne by the Thessalians, and settled in the present Boeotia, the former Cadmeis; though there was a division of them there before, some of whom joined the expedition to Ilium. Twenty years later, the Dorians and the Heraclids became masters of Peloponnese; so that much had to be done and many years had to elapse before Hellas could attain to a durable tranquillity undisturbed by removals, and could begin to send out colonies, as Athens did to Ionia and most of the islands, and the Peloponnesians to most of Italy and Sicily and some places in the rest of Hellas. All these places were founded subsequently to the war with Troy.

But as the power of Hellas grew, and the acquisition of wealth became more an object, the revenues of the states increasing, tyrannies were by their means established almost everywhere- the old form of government being hereditary monarchy with definite prerogatives- and Hellas began to fit out fleets and apply herself more closely to the sea. It is said that the Corinthians were the first to approach the modern style of naval architecture, and that Corinth was the first place in Hellas where galleys were built; and we have Ameinocles, a Corinthian shipwright, making four ships for the Samians. Dating from the end of this war, it is nearly three hundred years ago that Ameinocles went to Samos. Again, the earliest sea-fight in history was between the Corinthians and Corcyraeans; this was about two hundred and sixty years ago, dating from the same time. Planted on an isthmus, Corinth had from time out of mind been a commercial emporium; as formerly almost all communication between the Hellenes within and without Peloponnese was carried on overland, and the Corinthian territory was the highway through which it travelled. She had consequently great money resources, as is shown by the epithet "wealthy" bestowed by the old poets on the place, and this enabled her, when traffic by sea became more common, to procure her navy and put down piracy; and as she could offer a mart for both branches of the trade, she acquired for herself all the power which a large revenue affords. Subsequently the Ionians attained to great naval strength in the reign of Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, and of his son Cambyses, and while they were at war with the former commanded for a while the Ionian sea. Polycrates also, the tyrant of Samos, had a powerful navy in the reign of Cambyses, with which he reduced many of the islands, and among them Rhenea, which he consecrated to the Delian Apollo. About this time also the Phocaeans, while they were founding Marseilles, defeated the Carthaginians in a sea-fight. These were the most powerful navies. And even these, although so many generations had elapsed since the Trojan war, seem to have been principally composed of the old fifty-oars and long-boats, and to have counted few galleys among their ranks. Indeed it was only shortly the Persian war, and the death of Darius the successor of Cambyses, that the Sicilian tyrants and the Corcyraeans acquired any large number of galleys. For after these there were no navies of any account in Hellas till the expedition of Xerxes; Aegina, Athens, and others may have possessed a few vessels, but they were principally fifty-oars. It was quite at the end of this period that the war with Aegina and the prospect of the barbarian invasion enabled Themistocles to persuade the Athenians to build the fleet with which they fought at Salamis; and even these vessels had not complete decks.

The navies, then, of the Hellenes during the period we have traversed were what I have described. All their insignificance did not prevent their being an element of the greatest power to those who cultivated them, alike in revenue and in dominion. They were the means by which the islands were reached and reduced, those of the smallest area falling the easiest prey. Wars by land there were none, none at least by which power was acquired; we have the usual border contests, but of distant expeditions with conquest for object we hear nothing among the Hellenes. There was no union of subject cities round a great state, no spontaneous combination of equals for confederate expeditions; what fighting there was consisted merely of local warfare between rival neighbours. The nearest approach to a coalition took place in the old war between Chalcis and Eretria; this was a quarrel in which the rest of the Hellenic name did to some extent take sides.

Various, too, were the obstacles which the national growth encountered in various localities. The power of the Ionians was advancing with rapid strides, when it came into collision with Persia, under King Cyrus, who, after having dethroned Croesus and overrun everything between the Halys and the sea, stopped not till he had reduced the cities of the coast; the islands being only left to be subdued by Darius and the Phoenician navy.

Again, wherever there were tyrants, their habit of providing simply for themselves, of looking solely to their personal comfort and family aggrandizement, made safety the great aim of their policy, and prevented anything great proceeding from them; though they would each have their affairs with their immediate neighbours. All this is only true of the mother country, for in Sicily they attained to very great power. Thus for a long time everywhere in Hellas do we find causes which make the states alike incapable of combination for great and national ends, or of any vigorous action of their own.

But at last a time came when the tyrants of Athens and the far older tyrannies of the rest of Hellas were, with the exception of those in Sicily, once and for all put down by Lacedaemon; for this city, though after the settlement of the Dorians, its present inhabitants, it suffered from factions for an unparalleled length of time, still at a very early period obtained good laws, and enjoyed a freedom from tyrants which was unbroken; it has possessed the same form of government for more than four hundred years, reckoning to the end of the late war, and has thus been in a position to arrange the affairs of the other states. Not many years after the deposition of the tyrants, the battle of Marathon was fought between the Medes and the Athenians. Ten years afterwards, the barbarian returned with the armada for the subjugation of Hellas. In the face of this great danger, the command of the confederate Hellenes was assumed by the Lacedaemonians in virtue of their superior power; and the Athenians, having made up their minds to abandon their city, broke up their homes, threw themselves into their ships, and became a naval people. This coalition, after repulsing the barbarian, soon afterwards split into two sections, which included the Hellenes who had revolted from the King, as well as those who had aided him in the war. At the end of the one stood Athens, at the head of the other Lacedaemon, one the first naval, the other the first military power in Hellas. For a short time the league held together, till the Lacedaemonians and Athenians quarrelled and made war upon each other with their allies, a duel into which all the Hellenes sooner or later were drawn, though some might at first remain neutral. So that the whole period from the Median war to this, with some peaceful intervals, was spent by each power in war, either with its rival, or with its own revolted allies, and consequently afforded them constant practice in military matters, and that experience which is learnt in the school of danger.

The policy of Lacedaemon was not to exact tribute from her allies, but merely to secure their subservience to her interests by establishing oligarchies among them; Athens, on the contrary, had by degrees deprived hers of their ships, and imposed instead contributions in money on all except Chios and Lesbos. Both found their resources for this war separately to exceed the sum of their strength when the alliance flourished intact.

Having now given the result of my inquiries into early times, I grant that there will be a difficulty in believing every particular detail. The way that most men deal with traditions, even traditions of their own country, is to receive them all alike as they are delivered, without applying any critical test whatever. The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogiton, not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Pisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession.

There are many other unfounded ideas current among the rest of the Hellenes, even on matters of contemporary history, which have not been obscured by time. For instance, there is the notion that the Lacedaemonian kings have two votes each, the fact being that they have only one; and that there is a company of Pitane, there being simply no such thing. So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand. On the whole, however, the conclusions I have drawn from the proofs quoted may, I believe, safely be relied on. Assuredly they will not be disturbed either by the lays of a poet displaying the exaggeration of his craft, or by the compositions of the chroniclers that are attractive at truth's expense; the subjects they treat of being out of the reach of evidence, and time having robbed most of them of historical value by enthroning them in the region of legend. Turning from these, we can rest satisfied with having proceeded upon the clearest data, and having arrived at conclusions as exact as can be expected in matters of such antiquity. To come to this war: despite the known disposition of the actors in a struggle to overrate its importance, and when it is over to return to their admiration of earlier events, yet an examination of the facts will show that it was much greater than the wars which preceded it.

With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. The absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work, not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time.

The Median War, the greatest achievement of past times, yet found a speedy decision in two actions by sea and two by land. The Peloponnesian War was prolonged to an immense length, and, long as it was, it was short without parallel for the misfortunes that it brought upon Hellas. Never had so many cities been taken and laid desolate, here by the barbarians, here by the parties contending (the old inhabitants being sometimes removed to make room for others); never was there so much banishing and blood-shedding, now on the field of battle, now in the strife of faction. Old stories of occurrences handed down by tradition, but scantily confirmed by experience, suddenly ceased to be incredible; there were earthquakes of unparalleled extent and violence; eclipses of the sun occurred with a frequency unrecorded in previous history; there were great droughts in sundry places and consequent famines, and that most calamitous and awfully fatal visitation, the plague. All this came upon them with the late war, which was begun by the Athenians and Peloponnesians by the dissolution of the thirty years' truce made after the conquest of Euboea. To the question why they broke the treaty, I answer by placing first an account of their grounds of complaint and points of difference, that no one may ever have to ask the immediate cause which plunged the Hellenes into a war of such magnitude. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war.

Chapter II

Causes of the War - The Affair of Epidamnus - The Affair of Potidaea

The city of Epidamnus stands on the right of the entrance of the Ionic Gulf. Its vicinity is inhabited by the Taulantians, an Illyrian people. The place is a colony from Corcyra, founded by Phalius, son of Eratocleides, of the family of the Heraclids, who had according to ancient usage been summoned for the purpose from Corinth, the mother country. The colonists were joined by some Corinthians, and others of the Dorian race. Now, as time went on, the city of Epidamnus became great and populous; but falling a prey to factions arising, it is said, from a war with her neighbours the barbarians, she became much enfeebled, and lost a considerable amount of her power. The last act before the war was the expulsion of the nobles by the people. The exiled party joined the barbarians, and proceeded to plunder those in the city by sea and land; and the Epidamnians, finding themselves hard pressed, sent ambassadors to Corcyra beseeching their mother country not to allow them to perish, but to make up matters between them and the exiles, and to rid them of the war with the barbarians. The ambassadors seated themselves in the temple of Hera as suppliants, and made the above requests to the Corcyraeans. But the Corcyraeans refused to accept their supplication, and they were dismissed without having effected anything.

When the Epidamnians found that no help could be expected from Corcyra, they were in a strait what to do next. So they sent to Delphi and inquired of the God whether they should deliver their city to the Corinthians and endeavour to obtain some assistance from their founders. The answer he gave them was to deliver the city and place themselves under Corinthian protection. So the Epidamnians went to Corinth and delivered over the colony in obedience to the commands of the oracle. They showed that their founder came from Corinth, and revealed the answer of the god; and they begged them not to allow them to perish, but to assist them. This the Corinthians consented to do. Believing the colony to belong as much to themselves as to the Corcyraeans, they felt it to be a kind of duty to undertake their protection. Besides, they hated the Corcyraeans for their contempt of the mother country. Instead of meeting with the usual honours accorded to the parent city by every other colony at public assemblies, such as precedence at sacrifices, Corinth found herself treated with contempt by a power which in point of wealth could stand comparison with any even of the richest communities in Hellas, which possessed great military strength, and which sometimes could not repress a pride in the high naval position of an, island whose nautical renown dated from the days of its old inhabitants, the Phaeacians. This was one reason of the care that they lavished on their fleet, which became very efficient; indeed they began the war with a force of a hundred and twenty galleys.

All these grievances made Corinth eager to send the promised aid to Epidamnus. Advertisement was made for volunteer settlers, and a force of Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Corinthians was dispatched. They marched by land to Apollonia, a Corinthian colony, the route by sea being avoided from fear of Corcyraean interruption. When the Corcyraeans heard of the arrival of the settlers and troops in Epidamnus, and the surrender of the colony to Corinth, they took fire. Instantly putting to sea with five-and-twenty ships, which were quickly followed by others, they insolently commanded the Epidamnians to receive back the banished nobles- (it must be premised that the Epidamnian exiles had come to Corcyra and, pointing to the sepulchres of their ancestors, had appealed to their kindred to restore them)- and to dismiss the Corinthian garrison and settlers. But to all this the Epidamnians turned a deaf ear. Upon this the Corcyraeans commenced operations against them with a fleet of forty sail. They took with them the exiles, with a view to their restoration, and also secured the services of the Illyrians. Sitting down before the city, they issued a proclamation to the effect that any of the natives that chose, and the foreigners, might depart unharmed, with the alternative of being treated as enemies. On their refusal the Corcyraeans proceeded to besiege the city, which stands on an isthmus; and the Corinthians, receiving intelligence of the investment of Epidamnus, got together an armament and proclaimed a colony to Epidamnus, perfect political equality being guaranteed to all who chose to go. Any who were not prepared to sail at once might, by paying down the sum of fifty Corinthian drachmae, have a share in the colony without leaving Corinth. Great numbers took advantage of this proclamation, some being ready to start directly, others paying the requisite forfeit. In case of their passage being disputed by the Corcyraeans, several cities were asked to lend them a convoy. Megara prepared to accompany them with eight ships, Pale in Cephallonia with four; Epidaurus furnished five, Hermione one, Troezen two, Leucas ten, and Ambracia eight. The Thebans and Phliasians were asked for money, the Eleans for hulls as well; while Corinth herself furnished thirty ships and three thousand heavy infantry.

When the Corcyraeans heard of their preparations they came to Corinth with envoys from Lacedaemon and Sicyon, whom they persuaded to accompany them, and bade her recall the garrison and settlers, as she had nothing to do with Epidamnus. If, however, she had any claims to make, they were willing to submit the matter to the arbitration of such of the cities in Peloponnese as should be chosen by mutual agreement, and that the colony should remain with the city to whom the arbitrators might assign it. They were also willing to refer the matter to the oracle at Delphi. If, in defiance of their protestations, war was appealed to, they should be themselves compelled by this violence to seek friends in quarters where they had no desire to seek them, and to make even old ties give way to the necessity of assistance. The answer they got from Corinth was that, if they would withdraw their fleet and the barbarians from Epidamnus, negotiation might be possible; but, while the town was still being besieged, going before arbitrators was out of the question. The Corcyraeans retorted that if Corinth would withdraw her troops from Epidamnus they would withdraw theirs, or they were ready to let both parties remain in statu quo, an armistice being concluded till judgment could be given.

Turning a deaf ear to all these proposals, when their ships were manned and their allies had come in, the Corinthians sent a herald before them to declare war and, getting under way with seventy-five ships and two thousand heavy infantry, sailed for Epidamnus to give battle to the Corcyraeans. The fleet was under the command of Aristeus, son of Pellichas, Callicrates, son of Callias, and Timanor, son of Timanthes; the troops under that of Archetimus, son of Eurytimus, and Isarchidas, son of Isarchus. When they had reached Actium in the territory of Anactorium, at the mouth of the mouth of the Gulf of Ambracia, where the temple of Apollo stands, the Corcyraeans sent on a herald in a light boat to warn them not to sail against them. Meanwhile they proceeded to man their ships, all of which had been equipped for action, the old vessels being undergirded to make them seaworthy. On the return of the herald without any peaceful answer from the Corinthians, their ships being now manned, they put out to sea to meet the enemy with a fleet of eighty sail (forty were engaged in the siege of Epidamnus), formed line, and went into action, and gained a decisive victory, and destroyed fifteen of the Corinthian vessels. The same day had seen Epidamnus compelled by its besiegers to capitulate; the conditions being that the foreigners should be sold, and the Corinthians kept as prisoners of war, till their fate should be otherwise decided.

After the engagement the Corcyraeans set up a trophy on Leukimme, a headland of Corcyra, and slew all their captives except the Corinthians, whom they kept as prisoners of war. Defeated at sea, the Corinthians and their allies repaired home, and left the Corcyraeans masters of all the sea about those parts. Sailing to Leucas, a Corinthian colony, they ravaged their territory, and burnt Cyllene, the harbour of the Eleans, because they had furnished ships and money to Corinth. For almost the whole of the period that followed the battle they remained masters of the sea, and the allies of Corinth were harassed by Corcyraean cruisers. At last Corinth, roused by the sufferings of her allies, sent out ships and troops in the fall of the summer, who formed an encampment at Actium and about Chimerium, in Thesprotis, for the protection of Leucas and the rest of the friendly cities. The Corcyraeans on their part formed a similar station on Leukimme. Neither party made any movement, but they remained confronting each other till the end of the summer, and winter was at hand before either of them returned home.

Corinth, exasperated by the war with the Corcyraeans, spent the whole of the year after the engagement and that succeeding it in building ships, and in straining every nerve to form an efficient fleet; rowers being drawn from Peloponnese and the rest of Hellas by the inducement of large bounties. The Corcyraeans, alarmed at the news of their preparations, being without a single ally in Hellas (for they had not enrolled themselves either in the Athenian or in the Lacedaemonian confederacy), decided to repair to Athens in order to enter into alliance and to endeavour to procure support from her. Corinth also, hearing of their intentions, sent an embassy to Athens to prevent the Corcyraean navy being joined by the Athenian, and her prospect of ordering the war according to her wishes being thus impeded. An assembly was convoked, and the rival advocates appeared: the Corcyraeans spoke as follows:

"Athenians! when a people that have not rendered any important service or support to their neighbours in times past, for which they might claim to be repaid, appear before them as we now appear before you to solicit their assistance, they may fairly be required to satisfy certain preliminary conditions. They should show, first, that it is expedient or at least safe to grant their request; next, that they will retain a lasting sense of the kindness. But if they cannot clearly establish any of these points, they must not be annoyed if they meet with a rebuff. Now the Corcyraeans believe that with their petition for assistance they can also give you a satisfactory answer on these points, and they have therefore dispatched us hither. It has so happened that our policy as regards you with respect to this request, turns out to be inconsistent, and as regards our interests, to be at the present crisis inexpedient. We say inconsistent, because a power which has never in the whole of her past history been willing to ally herself with any of her neighbours, is now found asking them to ally themselves with her. And we say inexpedient, because in our present war with Corinth it has left us in a position of entire isolation, and what once seemed the wise precaution of refusing to involve ourselves in alliances with other powers, lest we should also involve ourselves in risks of their choosing, has now proved to be folly and weakness. It is true that in the late naval engagement we drove back the Corinthians from our shores single-handed. But they have now got together a still larger armament from Peloponnese and the rest of Hellas; and we, seeing our utter inability to cope with them without foreign aid, and the magnitude of the danger which subjection to them implies, find it necessary to ask help from you and from every other power. And we hope to be excused if we forswear our old principle of complete political isolation, a principle which was not adopted with any sinister intention, but was rather the consequence of an error in judgment.

"Now there are many reasons why in the event of your compliance you will congratulate yourselves on this request having been made to you. First, because your assistance will be rendered to a power which, herself inoffensive, is a victim to the injustice of others. Secondly, because all that we most value is at stake in the present contest, and your welcome of us under these circumstances will be a proof of goodwill which will ever keep alive the gratitude you will lay up in our hearts. Thirdly, yourselves excepted, we are the greatest naval power in Hellas. Moreover, can you conceive a stroke of good fortune more rare in itself, or more disheartening to your enemies, than that the power whose adhesion you would have valued above much material and moral strength should present herself self-invited, should deliver herself into your hands without danger and without expense, and should lastly put you in the way of gaining a high character in the eyes of the world, the gratitude of those whom you shall assist, and a great accession of strength for yourselves? You may search all history without finding many instances of a people gaining all these advantages at once, or many instances of a power that comes in quest of assistance being in a position to give to the people whose alliance she solicits as much safety and honour as she will receive. But it will be urged that it is only in the case of a war that we shall be found useful. To this we answer that if any of you imagine that that war is far off, he is grievously mistaken, and is blind to the fact that Lacedaemon regards you with jealousy and desires war, and that Corinth is powerful there- the same, remember, that is your enemy, and is even now trying to subdue us as a preliminary to attacking you. And this she does to prevent our becoming united by a common enmity, and her having us both on her hands, and also to ensure getting the start of you in one of two ways, either by crippling our power or by making its strength her own. Now it is our policy to be beforehand with her- that is, for Corcyra to make an offer of alliance and for you to accept it; in fact, we ought to form plans against her instead of waiting to defeat the plans she forms against us.

"If she asserts that for you to receive a colony of hers into alliance is not right, let her know that every colony that is well treated honours its parent state, but becomes estranged from it by injustice. For colonists are not sent forth on the understanding that they are to be the slaves of those that remain behind, but that they are to be their equals. And that Corinth was injuring us is clear. Invited to refer the dispute about Epidamnus to arbitration, they chose to prosecute their complaints war rather than by a fair trial. And let their conduct towards us who are their kindred be a warning to you not to be misled by their deceit, nor to yield to their direct requests; concessions to adversaries only end in self-reproach, and the more strictly they are avoided the greater will be the chance of security.

"If it be urged that your reception of us will be a breach of the treaty existing between you and Lacedaemon, the answer is that we are a neutral state, and that one of the express provisions of that treaty is that it shall be competent for any Hellenic state that is neutral to join whichever side it pleases. And it is intolerable for Corinth to be allowed to obtain men for her navy not only from her allies, but also from the rest of Hellas, no small number being furnished by your own subjects; while we are to be excluded both from the alliance left open to us by treaty, and from any assistance that we might get from other quarters, and you are to be accused of political immorality if you comply with our request. On the other hand, we shall have much greater cause to complain of you, if you do not comply with it; if we, who are in peril and are no enemies of yours, meet with a repulse at your hands, while Corinth, who is the aggressor and your enemy, not only meets with no hindrance from you, but is even allowed to draw material for war from your dependencies. This ought not to be, but you should either forbid her enlisting men in your dominions, or you should lend us too what help you may think advisable.

"But your real policy is to afford us avowed countenance and support. The advantages of this course, as we premised in the beginning of our speech, are many. We mention one that is perhaps the chief. Could there be a clearer guarantee of our good faith than is offered by the fact that the power which is at enmity with you is also at enmity with us, and that that power is fully able to punish defection? And there is a wide difference between declining the alliance of an inland and of a maritime power. For your first endeavour should be to prevent, if possible, the existence of any naval power except your own; failing this, to secure the friendship of the strongest that does exist. And if any of you believe that what we urge is expedient, but fear to act upon this belief, lest it should lead to a breach of the treaty, you must remember that on the one hand, whatever your fears, your strength will be formidable to your antagonists; on the other, whatever the confidence you derive from refusing to receive us, your weakness will have no terrors for a strong enemy. You must also remember that your decision is for Athens no less than Corcyra, and that you are not making the best provision for her interests, if at a time when you are anxiously scanning the horizon that you may be in readiness for the breaking out of the war which is all but upon you, you hesitate to attach to your side a place whose adhesion or estrangement is alike pregnant with the most vital consequences. For it lies conveniently for the coast- navigation in the direction of Italy and Sicily, being able to bar the passage of naval reinforcements from thence to Peloponnese, and from Peloponnese thither; and it is in other respects a most desirable station. To sum up as shortly as possible, embracing both general and particular considerations, let this show you the folly of sacrificing us. Remember that there are but three considerable naval powers in Hellas- Athens, Corcyra, and Corinth- and that if you allow two of these three to become one, and Corinth to secure us for herself, you will have to hold the sea against the united fleets of Corcyra and Peloponnese. But if you receive us, you will have our ships to reinforce you in the struggle."

Such were the words of the Corcyraeans. After they had finished, the Corinthians spoke as follows:

"These Corcyraeans in the speech we have just heard do not confine themselves to the question of their reception into your alliance. They also talk of our being guilty of injustice, and their being the victims of an unjustifiable war. It becomes necessary for us to touch upon both these points before we proceed to the rest of what we have to say, that you may have a more correct idea of the grounds of our claim, and have good cause to reject their petition. According to them, their old policy of refusing all offers of alliance was a policy of moderation. It was in fact adopted for bad ends, not for good; indeed their conduct is such as to make them by no means desirous of having allies present to witness it, or of having the shame of asking their concurrence. Besides, their geographical situation makes them independent of others, and consequently the decision in cases where they injure any lies not with judges appointed by mutual agreement, but with themselves, because, while they seldom make voyages to their neighbours, they are constantly being visited by foreign vessels which are compelled to put in to Corcyra. In short, the object that they propose to themselves, in their specious policy of complete isolation, is not to avoid sharing in the crimes of others, but to secure monopoly of crime to themselves- the licence of outrage wherever they can compel, of fraud wherever they can elude, and the enjoyment of their gains without shame. And yet if they were the honest men they pretend to be, the less hold that others had upon them, the stronger would be the light in which they might have put their honesty by giving and taking what was just.

"But such has not been their conduct either towards others or towards us. The attitude of our colony towards us has always been one of estrangement and is now one of hostility; for, say they: 'We were not sent out to be ill-treated.' We rejoin that we did not found the colony to be insulted by them, but to be their head and to be regarded with a proper respect. At any rate our other colonies honour us, and we are much beloved by our colonists; and clearly, if the majority are satisfied with us, these can have no good reason for a dissatisfaction in which they stand alone, and we are not acting improperly in making war against them, nor are we making war against them without having received signal provocation. Besides, if we were in the wrong, it would be honourable in them to give way to our wishes, and disgraceful for us to trample on their moderation; but in the pride and licence of wealth they have sinned again and again against us, and never more deeply than when Epidamnus, our dependency, which they took no steps to claim in its distress upon our coming to relieve it, was by them seized, and is now held by force of arms.

"As to their allegation that they wished the question to be first submitted to arbitration, it is obvious that a challenge coming from the party who is safe in a commanding position cannot gain the credit due only to him who, before appealing to arms, in deeds as well as words, places himself on a level with his adversary. In their case, it was not before they laid siege to the place, but after they at length understood that we should not tamely suffer it, that they thought of the specious word arbitration. And not satisfied with their own misconduct there, they appear here now requiring you to join with them not in alliance but in crime, and to receive them in spite of their being at enmity with us. But it was when they stood firmest that they should have made overtures to you, and not at a time when we have been wronged and they are in peril; nor yet at a time when you will be admitting to a share in your protection those who never admitted you to a share in their power, and will be incurring an equal amount of blame from us with those in whose offences you had no hand. No, they should have shared their power with you before they asked you to share your fortunes with them.

"So then the reality of the grievances we come to complain of, and the violence and rapacity of our opponents, have both been proved. But that you cannot equitably receive them, this you have still to learn. It may be true that one of the provisions of the treaty is that it shall be competent for any state, whose name was not down on the list, to join whichever side it pleases. But this agreement is not meant for those whose object in joining is the injury of other powers, but for those whose need of support does not arise from the fact of defection, and whose adhesion will not bring to the power that is mad enough to receive them war instead of peace; which will be the case with you, if you refuse to listen to us. For you cannot become their auxiliary and remain our friend; if you join in their attack, you must share the punishment which the defenders inflict on them. And yet you have the best possible right to be neutral, or, failing this, you should on the contrary join us against them. Corinth is at least in treaty with you; with Corcyra you were never even in truce. But do not lay down the principle that defection is to be patronized. Did we on the defection of the Samians record our vote against you, when the rest of the Peloponnesian powers were equally divided on the question whether they should assist them? No, we told them to their face that every power has a right to punish its own allies. Why, if you make it your policy to receive and assist all offenders, you will find that just as many of your dependencies will come over to us, and the principle that you establish will press less heavily on us than on yourselves.

"This then is what Hellenic law entitles us to demand as a right. But we have also advice to offer and claims on your gratitude, which, since there is no danger of our injuring you, as we are not enemies, and since our friendship does not amount to very frequent intercourse, we say ought to be liquidated at the present juncture. When you were in want of ships of war for the war against the Aeginetans, before the Persian invasion, Corinth supplied you with twenty vessels. That good turn, and the line we took on the Samian question, when we were the cause of the Peloponnesians refusing to assist them, enabled you to conquer Aegina and to punish Samos. And we acted thus at crises when, if ever, men are wont in their efforts against their enemies to forget everything for the sake of victory, regarding him who assists them then as a friend, even if thus far he has been a foe, and him who opposes them then as a foe, even if he has thus far been a friend; indeed they allow their real interests to suffer from their absorbing preoccupation in the struggle.

"Weigh well these considerations, and let your youth learn what they are from their elders, and let them determine to do unto us as we have done unto you. And let them not acknowledge the justice of what we say, but dispute its wisdom in the contingency of war. Not only is the straightest path generally speaking the wisest; but the coming of the war, which the Corcyraeans have used as a bugbear to persuade you to do wrong, is still uncertain, and it is not worth while to be carried away by it into gaining the instant and declared enmity of Corinth. It were, rather, wise to try and counteract the unfavourable impression which your conduct to Megara has created. For kindness opportunely shown has a greater power of removing old grievances than the facts of the case may warrant. And do not be seduced by the prospect of a great naval alliance. Abstinence from all injustice to other first-rate powers is a greater tower of strength than anything that can be gained by the sacrifice of permanent tranquillity for an apparent temporary advantage. It is now our turn to benefit by the principle that we laid down at Lacedaemon, that every power has a right to punish her own allies. We now claim to receive the same from you, and protest against your rewarding us for benefiting you by our vote by injuring us by yours. On the contrary, return us like for like, remembering that this is that very crisis in which he who lends aid is most a friend, and he who opposes is most a foe. And for these Corcyraeans- neither receive them into alliance in our despite, nor be their abettors in crime. So do, and you will act as we have a right to expect of you, and at the same time best consult your own interests."

Such were the words of the Corinthians.

When the Athenians had heard both out, two assemblies were held. In the first there was a manifest disposition to listen to the representations of Corinth; in the second, public feeling had changed and an alliance with Corcyra was decided on, with certain reservations. It was to be a defensive, not an offensive alliance. It did not involve a breach of the treaty with Peloponnese: Athens could not be required to join Corcyra in any attack upon Corinth. But each of the contracting parties had a right to the other's assistance against invasion, whether of his own territory or that of an ally. For it began now to be felt that the coming of the Peloponnesian war was only a question of time, and no one was willing to see a naval power of such magnitude as Corcyra sacrificed to Corinth; though if they could let them weaken each other by mutual conflict, it would be no bad preparation for the struggle which Athens might one day have to wage with Corinth and the other naval powers. At the same time the island seemed to lie conveniently on the coasting passage to Italy and Sicily. With these views, Athens received Corcyra into alliance and, on the departure of the Corinthians not long afterwards, sent ten ships to their assistance. They were commanded by Lacedaemonius, the son of Cimon, Diotimus, the son of Strombichus, and Proteas, the son of Epicles. Their instructions were to avoid collision with the Corinthian fleet except under certain circumstances. If it sailed to Corcyra and threatened a landing on her coast, or in any of her possessions, they were to do their utmost to prevent it. These instructions were prompted by an anxiety to avoid a breach of the treaty.

Meanwhile the Corinthians completed their preparations, and sailed for Corcyra with a hundred and fifty ships. Of these Elis furnished ten, Megara twelve, Leucas ten, Ambracia twenty-seven, Anactorium one, and Corinth herself ninety. Each of these contingents had its own admiral, the Corinthian being under the command of Xenoclides, son of Euthycles, with four colleagues. Sailing from Leucas, they made land at the part of the continent opposite Corcyra. They anchored in the harbour of Chimerium, in the territory of Thesprotis, above which, at some distance from the sea, lies the city of Ephyre, in the Elean district. By this city the Acherusian lake pours its waters into the sea. It gets its name from the river Acheron, which flows through Thesprotis and falls into the lake. There also the river Thyamis flows, forming the boundary between Thesprotis and Kestrine; and between these rivers rises the point of Chimerium. In this part of the continent the Corinthians now came to anchor, and formed an encampment. When the Corcyraeans saw them coming, they manned a hundred and ten ships, commanded by Meikiades, Aisimides, and Eurybatus, and stationed themselves at one of the Sybota isles; the ten Athenian ships being present. On Point Leukimme they posted their land forces, and a thousand heavy infantry who had come from Zacynthus to their assistance. Nor were the Corinthians on the mainland without their allies. The barbarians flocked in large numbers to their assistance, the inhabitants of this part of the continent being old allies of theirs.

When the Corinthian preparations were completed, they took three days' provisions and put out from Chimerium by night, ready for action. Sailing with the dawn, they sighted the Corcyraean fleet out at sea and coming towards them. When they perceived each other, both sides formed in order of battle. On the Corcyraean right wing lay the Athenian ships, the rest of the line being occupied by their own vessels formed in three squadrons, each of which was commanded by one of the three admirals. Such was the Corcyraean formation. The Corinthian was as follows: on the right wing lay the Megarian and Ambraciot ships, in the centre the rest of the allies in order. But the left was composed of the best sailers in the Corinthian navy, to encounter the Athenians and the right wing of the Corcyraeans. As soon as the signals were raised on either side, they joined battle. Both sides had a large number of heavy infantry on their decks, and a large number of archers and darters, the old imperfect armament still prevailing. The sea-fight was an obstinate one, though not remarkable for its science; indeed it was more like a battle by land. Whenever they charged each other, the multitude and crush of the vessels made it by no means easy to get loose; besides, their hopes of victory lay principally in the heavy infantry on the decks, who stood and fought in order, the ships remaining stationary. The manoeuvre of breaking the line was not tried; in short, strength and pluck had more share in the fight than science. Everywhere tumult reigned, the battle being one scene of confusion; meanwhile the Athenian ships, by coming up to the Corcyraeans whenever they were pressed, served to alarm the enemy, though their commanders could not join in the battle from fear of their instructions. The right wing of the Corinthians suffered most. The Corcyraeans routed it, and chased them in disorder to the continent with twenty ships, sailed up to their camp, and burnt the tents which they found empty, and plundered the stuff. So in this quarter the Corinthians and their allies were defeated, and the Corcyraeans were victorious. But where the Corinthians themselves were, on the left, they gained a decided success; the scanty forces of the Corcyraeans being further weakened by the want of the twenty ships absent on the pursuit. Seeing the Corcyraeans hard pressed, the Athenians began at length to assist them more unequivocally. At first, it is true, they refrained from charging any ships; but when the rout was becoming patent, and the Corinthians were pressing on, the time at last came when every one set to, and all distinction was laid aside, and it came to this point, that the Corinthians and Athenians raised their hands against each other.

After the rout, the Corinthians, instead of employing themselves in lashing fast and hauling after them the hulls of the vessels which they had disabled, turned their attention to the men, whom they butchered as they sailed through, not caring so much to make prisoners. Some even of their own friends were slain by them, by mistake, in their ignorance of the defeat of the right wing For the number of the ships on both sides, and the distance to which they covered the sea, made it difficult, after they had once joined, to distinguish between the conquering and the conquered; this battle proving far greater than any before it, any at least between Hellenes, for the number of vessels engaged. After the Corinthians had chased the Corcyraeans to the land, they turned to the wrecks and their dead, most of whom they succeeded in getting hold of and conveying to Sybota, the rendezvous of the land forces furnished by their barbarian allies. Sybota, it must be known, is a desert harbour of Thesprotis. This task over, they mustered anew, and sailed against the Corcyraeans, who on their part advanced to meet them with all their ships that were fit for service and remaining to them, accompanied by the Athenian vessels, fearing that they might attempt a landing in their territory. It was by this time getting late, and the paean had been sung for the attack, when the Corinthians suddenly began to back water. They had observed twenty Athenian ships sailing up, which had been sent out afterwards to reinforce the ten vessels by the Athenians, who feared, as it turned out justly, the defeat of the Corcyraeans and the inability of their handful of ships to protect them. These ships were thus seen by the Corinthians first. They suspected that they were from Athens, and that those which they saw were not all, but that there were more behind; they accordingly began to retire. The Corcyraeans meanwhile had not sighted them, as they were advancing from a point which they could not so well see, and were wondering why the Corinthians were backing water, when some caught sight of them, and cried out that there were ships in sight ahead. Upon this they also retired; for it was now getting dark, and the retreat of the Corinthians had suspended hostilities. Thus they parted from each other, and the battle ceased with night. The Corcyraeans were in their camp at Leukimme, when these twenty ships from Athens, under the command of Glaucon, the son of Leagrus, and Andocides, son of Leogoras, bore on through the corpses and the wrecks, and sailed up to the camp, not long after they were sighted. It was now night, and the Corcyraeans feared that they might be hostile vessels; but they soon knew them, and the ships came to anchor.

The next day the thirty Athenian vessels put out to sea, accompanied by all the Corcyraean ships that were seaworthy, and sailed to the harbour at Sybota, where the Corinthians lay, to see if they would engage. The Corinthians put out from the land and formed a line in the open sea, but beyond this made no further movement, having no intention of assuming the offensive. For they saw reinforcements arrived fresh from Athens, and themselves confronted by numerous difficulties, such as the necessity of guarding the prisoners whom they had on board and the want of all means of refitting their ships in a desert place. What they were thinking more about was how their voyage home was to be effected; they feared that the Athenians might consider that the treaty was dissolved by the collision which had occurred, and forbid their departure.

Accordingly they resolved to put some men on board a boat, and send them without a herald's wand to the Athenians, as an experiment. Having done so, they spoke as follows: "You do wrong, Athenians, to begin war and break the treaty. Engaged in chastising our enemies, we find you placing yourselves in our path in arms against us. Now if your intentions are to prevent us sailing to Corcyra, or anywhere else that we may wish, and if you are for breaking the treaty, first take us that are here and treat us as enemies." Such was what they said, and all the Corcyraean armament that were within hearing immediately called out to take them and kill them. But the Athenians answered as follows: "Neither are we beginning war, Peloponnesians, nor are we breaking the treaty; but these Corcyraeans are our allies, and we are come to help them. So if you want to sail anywhere else, we place no obstacle in your way; but if you are going to sail against Corcyra, or any of her possessions, we shall do our best to stop you."

Receiving this answer from the Athenians, the Corinthians commenced preparations for their voyage home, and set up a trophy in Sybota, on the continent; while the Corcyraeans took up the wrecks and dead that had been carried out to them by the current, and by a wind which rose in the night and scattered them in all directions, and set up their trophy in Sybota, on the island, as victors. The reasons each side had for claiming the victory were these. The Corinthians had been victorious in the sea-fight until night; and having thus been enabled to carry off most wrecks and dead, they were in possession of no fewer than a thousand prisoners of war, and had sunk close upon seventy vessels. The Corcyraeans had destroyed about thirty ships, and after the arrival of the Athenians had taken up the wrecks and dead on their side; they had besides seen the Corinthians retire before them, backing water on sight of the Athenian vessels, and upon the arrival of the Athenians refuse to sail out against them from Sybota. Thus both sides claimed the victory.

The Corinthians on the voyage home took Anactorium, which stands at the mouth of the Ambracian gulf. The place was taken by treachery, being common ground to the Corcyraeans and Corinthians. After establishing Corinthian settlers there, they retired home. Eight hundred of the Corcyraeans were slaves; these they sold; two hundred and fifty they retained in captivity, and treated with great attention, in the hope that they might bring over their country to Corinth on their return; most of them being, as it happened, men of very high position in Corcyra. In this way Corcyra maintained her political existence in the war with Corinth, and the Athenian vessels left the island. This was the first cause of the war that Corinth had against the Athenians, viz., that they had fought against them with the Corcyraeans in time of treaty.

Almost immediately after this, fresh differences arose between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, and contributed their share to the war. Corinth was forming schemes for retaliation, and Athens suspected her hostility. The Potidaeans, who inhabit the isthmus of Pallene, being a Corinthian colony, but tributary allies of Athens, were ordered to raze the wall looking towards Pallene, to give hostages, to dismiss the Corinthian magistrates, and in future not to receive the persons sent from Corinth annually to succeed them. It was feared that they might be persuaded by Perdiccas and the Corinthians to revolt, and might draw the rest of the allies in the direction of Thrace to revolt with them. These precautions against the Potidaeans were taken by the Athenians immediately after the battle at Corcyra. Not only was Corinth at length openly hostile, but Perdiccas, son of Alexander, king of the Macedonians, had from an old friend and ally been made an enemy. He had been made an enemy by the Athenians entering into alliance with his brother Philip and Derdas, who were in league against him. In his alarm he had sent to Lacedaemon to try and involve the Athenians in a war with the Peloponnesians, and was endeavouring to win over Corinth in order to bring about the revolt of Potidaea. He also made overtures to the Chalcidians in the direction of Thrace, and to the Bottiaeans, to persuade them to join in the revolt; for he thought that if these places on the border could be made his allies, it would be easier to carry on the war with their co-operation. Alive to all this, and wishing to anticipate the revolt of the cities, the Athenians acted as follows. They were just then sending off thirty ships and a thousand heavy infantry for his country under the command of Archestratus, son of Lycomedes, with four colleagues. They instructed the captains to take hostages of the Potidaeans, to raze the wall, and to be on their guard against the revolt of the neighbouring cities.

Meanwhile the Potidaeans sent envoys to Athens on the chance of persuading them to take no new steps in their matters; they also went to Lacedaemon with the Corinthians to secure support in case of need. Failing after prolonged negotiation to obtain anything satisfactory from the Athenians; being unable, for all they could say, to prevent the vessels that were destined for Macedonia from also sailing against them; and receiving from the Lacedaemonian government a promise to invade Attica, if the Athenians should attack Potidaea, the Potidaeans, thus favoured by the moment, at last entered into league with the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans, and revolted. And Perdiccas induced the Chalcidians to abandon and demolish their towns on the seaboard and, settling inland at Olynthus, to make that one city a strong place: meanwhile to those who followed his advice he gave a part of his territory in Mygdonia round Lake Bolbe as a place of abode while the war against the Athenians should last. They accordingly demolished their towns, removed inland and prepared for war. The thirty ships of the Athenians, arriving before the Thracian places, found Potidaea and the rest in revolt. Their commanders, considering it to be quite impossible with their present force to carry on war with Perdiccas and with the confederate towns as well turned to Macedonia, their original destination, and, having established themselves there, carried on war in co-operation with Philip, and the brothers of Derdas, who had invaded the country from the interior.

Meanwhile the Corinthians, with Potidaea in revolt and the Athenian ships on the coast of Macedonia, alarmed for the safety of the place and thinking its danger theirs, sent volunteers from Corinth, and mercenaries from the rest of Peloponnese, to the number of sixteen hundred heavy infantry in all, and four hundred light troops. Aristeus, son of Adimantus, who was always a steady friend to the Potidaeans, took command of the expedition, and it was principally for love of him that most of the men from Corinth volunteered. They arrived in Thrace forty days after the revolt of Potidaea.

The Athenians also immediately received the news of the revolt of the cities. On being informed that Aristeus and his reinforcements were on their way, they sent two thousand heavy infantry of their own citizens and forty ships against the places in revolt, under the command of Callias, son of Calliades, and four colleagues. They arrived in Macedonia first, and found the force of a thousand men that had been first sent out, just become masters of Therme and besieging Pydna. Accordingly they also joined in the investment, and besieged Pydna for a while. Subsequently they came to terms and concluded a forced alliance with Perdiccas, hastened by the calls of Potidaea and by the arrival of Aristeus at that place. They withdrew from Macedonia, going to Beroea and thence to Strepsa, and, after a futile attempt on the latter place, they pursued by land their march to Potidaea with three thousand heavy infantry of their own citizens, besides a number of their allies, and six hundred Macedonian horsemen, the followers of Philip and Pausanias. With these sailed seventy ships along the coast. Advancing by short marches, on the third day they arrived at Gigonus, where they encamped.

Meanwhile the Potidaeans and the Peloponnesians with Aristeus were encamped on the side looking towards Olynthus on the isthmus, in expectation of the Athenians, and had established their market outside the city. The allies had chosen Aristeus general of all the infantry; while the command of the cavalry was given to Perdiccas, who had at once left the alliance of the Athenians and gone back to that of the Potidaeans, having deputed Iolaus as his general: The plan of Aristeus was to keep his own force on the isthmus, and await the attack of the Athenians; leaving the Chalcidians and the allies outside the isthmus, and the two hundred cavalry from Perdiccas in Olynthus to act upon the Athenian rear, on the occasion of their advancing against him; and thus to place the enemy between two fires. While Callias the Athenian general and his colleagues dispatched the Macedonian horse and a few of the allies to Olynthus, to prevent any movement being made from that quarter, the Athenians themselves broke up their camp and marched against P

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